(Who’s Showing Up for Black Voters and Who Pays the Price If They Don’t?”)
LOS ANGELES — In neighborhoods across South Los Angeles, some Black voters say California’s crowded gubernatorial race still feels distant — raising questions about turnout and who stands to benefit in a wide-open contest to replace Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Interviews with voters, political observers and community leaders suggest a widening gap between campaigns and the communities they aim to reach — a dynamic that could shape turnout in an election where a significant share of voters remains undecided. From Watts to Baldwin Hills and parts of South Los Angeles, residents told LA Focus that the campaign season still feels far removed from their day-to-day realities.
In Watts, longtime resident and neighborhood council member William Taylor said he has not seen meaningful outreach from gubernatorial candidates.
“There’s no representation in Watts,” Taylor said. “Nobody’s coming out here, nobody’s asking what we need.”
Taylor said he has not seen a single campaign presence in his neighborhood — no events, no canvassing and no campaign materials.
A Baldwin Hills resident who identifies as a Foundational Black American expressed a similar frustration.
“I don’t trust either party right now,” said Cash Lee. “It feels like neither side is really addressing what’s happening in our community.”
Lee said issues like reparations are central to how he evaluates candidates.
“Any candidate that’s not talking about reparations is already eliminated for me,” he said.
While California has taken steps in recent years to study and propose reparations through a state task force, the issue has not emerged as a central focus in the governor’s race.
Instead, most candidates have concentrated on affordability, public safety and housing — leaving questions about reparations largely unaddressed, even as some voters view it as a measure of political accountability.
Another longtime South Los Angeles resident said the lack of direct outreach has made the race feel distant.
“They’re running, but they’re not really here,” the resident said. “You don’t see them in the community like that.”
Rev. K.W. Tulloss, with Mobilizing Preachers and Communities, said the pattern reflects how campaigns often approach communities like South Los Angeles.
“Too often, engagement is transactional and limited to election season, rather than rooted in sustained presence, listening and meaningful partnership with the community,” Tulloss said.
He pointed to economic opportunity, affordable housing, public safety with accountability, education equity and access to healthcare as key priorities.
“Communities like ours aren’t looking for promises — we’re looking for consistency, visibility and accountability,” he said.
A statewide gubernatorial debate, held in February at San Francisco’s Ruth Williams Bayview Opera House and hosted by the Black Action Alliance, and another held in L.A. over the King weekend by the Empowerment Congress, offered voters a clearer look at a field many are still getting to know.
But for some observers, visibility alone did not translate into meaningful engagement.
While candidates focused largely on affordability, public safety and immigration — key themes throughout the debate — some community voices said the discussion did little to directly address issues specific to Black communities or reflect sustained engagement beyond campaign moments.
Some candidates of color have also questioned the structure of the race, arguing that pressure to consolidate support early could disadvantage those still building name recognition.
Those concerns intensified weeks later when a gubernatorial debate planned at the University of Southern California was abruptly canceled following backlash over the exclusion of several candidates of color.
University of Southern California organizers said participation was determined using a formula based on polling and fundraising data — a decision that drew criticism from candidates and community voices alike.
The criteria, developed by USC political science professor Christian Grose, were defended by some scholars as grounded in established research, even as critics questioned how they translated in practice.
In interviews, Grose said the system was intended to reflect candidates’ standing in the race, though it ultimately resulted in a stage that excluded several candidates of color.
The debate lineup drew additional scrutiny after organizers included San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan — a white candidate whose polling numbers were comparable to some of those who were excluded.
The event featured six candidates, all of whom were white, while several prominent candidates of color — including former Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, former U.S. Health Secretary Xavier Becerra, former State Controller Betty Yee and State Superintendent Tony Thurmond — were left out.
Critics said the outcome highlighted inconsistencies in how the selection criteria were applied, particularly given that some excluded candidates had similar standing in the race.
Grose acknowledged the broader impact of the controversy, noting that the cancellation meant voters lost a key opportunity to hear directly from candidates.
“We’ve missed an opportunity to really hear from candidates on the issues,” he said.
Dr. Nii-Quartelai Quartey, a political journalist, professor and executive producer at KBLA Talk 1580, said the controversy highlighted deeper issues around representation and voter access.
“That decision really robbed Californians, particularly voters of color, of the opportunity to hear a diversity of thought and perspective,” he said.
He noted that several of the excluded candidates — including Becerra, Villaraigosa, Yee and Thurmond — have held major statewide or national roles, calling into question how candidates were selected for the debate stage.
“When the stage doesn’t reflect the state, that sends a message about whose voices matter,” he said.
Quartey added that in a fragmented media landscape, candidates must work harder to connect with voters — and that community-rooted outlets play a critical role in bridging that gap.
That gap, some community leaders say, is already visible on the ground, where outreach varies sharply between campaigns.
Rev. William Smart, a longtime South Los Angeles faith leader, said some candidates have made visible efforts to engage the community — though not all campaigns have the same reach.
“You do see the presence of some of the candidates of color in South L.A.visiting churches and showing up in the community,” Smart said.
He pointed to Villaraigosa as having a consistent presence in Black neighborhoods, while noting that others rely more heavily on advertising than in-person engagement.
Still, Smart said the size of the field may be contributing to voter confusion.
“It’s too many candidates,” he said. “That can affect the outcome if voters don’t begin to focus.”
He also warned that a divided field could carry broader political risks.
“If we’re not careful, you could end up with two Republicans in the final,” he said.
Recent polling has added another layer of complexity to the race. An Evitarus survey found several candidates clustered in the low single digits — including Xavier Becerra and Antonio Villaraigosa at around 3% — while nearly a quarter of voters remain undecided, underscoring how fluid the race remains.
That fragmentation could have significant implications under California’s “top-two” primary system. With Democratic support split across a crowded field, some analysts warn that two Republican candidates could advance to the general election — an outcome that would be highly unusual in a state where Democrats dominate voter registration.
Early polling appears to reinforce that dynamic, with Republican candidates Steve Hilton and Chad Bianco posting competitive numbers as Democratic support remains divided. That uneven visibility, some observers say, may also be shaping how candidates perform in early polling.
Nyabingi Kuti, a Los Angeles-based political consultant who works on local and state campaigns, said those numbers should be interpreted with caution, noting that early polling often reflects visibility more than voter commitment.
“A lot of what we’re seeing is driven by name recognition and advertising,” Kuti said. “That doesn’t necessarily translate to real support on the ground.”
Kuti said the broader issue is that early polling may reflect exposure more than the strength of campaigns themselves.
He added that voters may be reacting more to visibility than to substantive campaign operations.
“I think what people are responding to is not strong campaigns,” he said. “That’s where the real problem is.”
While some have suggested a Republican could benefit from the current dynamics, Kuti said he remains unconvinced.
“I’m not buying the idea that Republicans are leading in a meaningful way,” he said. “That narrative needs to be questioned.”
But for Kellie Hawkins, managing partner at Englander Knabe & Allen, the issue goes beyond polling — and speaks to how campaigns are engaging voters on the ground.
“It’s not enough to just show up to our events and to our churches,” Hawkins said. “You need to truly reflect the values and issues that are of importance to the community.”
That, she said, includes building campaigns rooted in the communities candidates seek to represent — not just during election season, but from the start.
“We can’t be just your go-to when it’s time to get a vote,” she said. “We need to be part of the conversation and part of your administration from the beginning.”
Hawkins pointed to affordability as one of the defining issues shaping voter concerns, particularly in South Los Angeles, where rising costs continue to strain working families. She also warned that candidates who fail to connect meaningfully with voters risk broader political consequences.
“I don’t think we should be naive to the reality that we could have a Republican governor,” Hawkins said. “If messaging resonates — even across party lines — then that’s a real possibility.”
Former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, now a candidate for lieutenant governor, said the structure of California’s primary system may also be contributing to uncertainty.
“I think we should get rid of the jungle primary,” Tubbs said. “We don’t want two Republicans on the ballot.”
Tubbs said the number of candidates could make it harder for voters to distinguish between them.
“It’s decision time,” he said. “Voters should think thoughtfully about who they’re supporting.”
At the same time, Tubbs emphasized that no candidate should be forced out prematurely, noting that the race is still evolving.
Sydney Kamlager-Dove said the broader issue is not just who is running, but how candidates are engaging communities.
“Black voters in Los Angeles — and across the country — are tired of being taken for granted,” she said. “To expect that support without earning it is a colossal mistake.”
Her comments point to a larger pattern in how campaigns are engaging — or failing to engage — communities of color.
For the president of the San Fernando Valley chapter of the NAACP, James Thomas, the stakes are clear.
“If they choose a candidate based on the status quo — someone who doesn’t excite people — Republicans won’t win because they have a better candidate,” Thomas said. “They’ll win because Democrats won’t show up to vote.”
He pointed to recent political history as a warning.
“In many ways, Donald Trump was the answer to Barack Obama,” he said.
Thomas said the current moment reflects a longstanding dynamic in how Black communities are treated in politics.
“If they don’t feel the need to engage Black people at the local level, they’re not going to feel the need to engage us at the state level either,” he said.
Together, those concerns point to a central question shaping the race: whether candidates will earn the support of Black voters — or risk an outcome shaped by their absence.